Repeat Offenders

Crime is carried out by ‘hot people’ (Repeat Offenders)

There is now well established research evidence that a small proportion of offenders commit a high proportion of offenses. For example, UK-based research has shown that by their 40th birthday, seven per cent of males born in 1953 had four or more court appearances and these offenders accounted for 59 per cent of all court appearances by males (Home Office, 1999b). Targeting these people makes sense, particularly since at the local level they can account for their own mini-crime wave in their area of operation, although it may be the case that any respite is short-lived.

In order to target high-rate offenders, good police intelligence is required, which is supported by a crime analysis system capable of linking crime patterns to offender residence (past and present), modus operandi and the areas in which the offender works and ’plays’. Research also suggests that the home of the offender can form a focus for criminal activity, perhaps with a buffer nearby where offenders might believe themselves to be at risk of recognition (Brantingham and Brantingham, 1984). These ‘spaces’ are illustrated in Figure 2, (adapted from Brantingham and Brantingham, 1981). All these factors have been shown through research to influence the choice of criminal target. This is true even for the most serious offenses of rape and serial murder (Rossmo, 1996).

There is no doubt that some products are more attractive to thieves than others. Again, both research and common sense agree on this (Felson, 1998). It is also clear that this attractiveness can in many circumstances be ‘designed out’ or otherwise dealt with. Some of the attributes of these products are fairly obvious – their value and portability for example. They can be summarized by the acronym CRAVED – concealable, removable, available, valuable, enjoyable and disposable (Clarke, 1999). Action aimed at ‘cooling’ hot products could be productive and each element of the acronym can be considered as a means of reducing the product’s appeal. Thus it could be made less concealable (as is done in stores when goods are tagged), more difficult to remove (as when car stereos are broken down into their component parts and built into the vehicle), less readily available (as when we are encouraged to take extra care of our credit cards and to keep the PIN number separate), less valuable (as when goods are personalized thus making them less attractive to a would-be purchaser), less enjoyable (as when clothing is vulnerable to dye stains if it is taken without paying) and less easily disposed of (as when stolen goods markets are targeted for police action).

Actions such as these can be taken at local level but in some cases national or even international action may be needed, where products are designed and manufactured (Laycock and Tilley, 1995b). So, for example, if motor vehicles need better in-built security there is little local leverage through which this might be achieved, and national action is needed. Similarly the redesign of credit cards is not likely to happen because a local police chief feels it is necessary; in this case international action may be required. There is, however, an important role for local agencies in promoting this change, through the early identification of the problem and the subsequent provision of data, which demonstrates its scale and makes the case for national action. This approach requires alertness at local level to the need to identify such product design flaws and an effective means of communication to a national body with the capacity and capability to deal with the information (Laycock and Webb, 2000; Foresight Crime Prevention Panel 2000a; 2000b). [1]

Resources

Notes

1. Tilley, N., & Laycock, G. (2002). Working out what to do: Evidence-based crime reduction. Crime Reduction Research Series paper 11, London: HMSO. ISBN 1-84082-792-0