Comparative Politics
Political Science: Fields in Political Science: Comparative Politics
Introduction to Comparative Politics
Comparative politics involves study of the politics of different countries. Some political scientists, known as area specialists, study a single country or a culturally similar group of nations, such as the countries of Southeast Asia. Area specialists tend to be versed in the language, history, and culture of the country or group of countries they study. Other political scientists compare culturally dissimilar nations, and investigate the similarities and differences in the politics of these nations. Political scientists who undertake these comparisons are often motivated by the need to develop and test theories-for example, theories of why revolutions happen. This may lead them to discover commonalities between countries that are widely separated and appear very different. For example, political scientists have found many similarities between the transitions from authoritarian rule to democracy in Latin America and Eastern Europe in the 1980s and 1990s.” (1)
Politics in General
Originally, “politics” comes from Ancient Greece, i.e. “polis, the city-state”. Politics is therefore “what concerns the state”.
The New Collins Concise English Dictionary defines politics as:
- the art and science of directing and administrating states and other political units;
- any activity concerned with the acquisition of power.
So, politics is the activity through which people make, preserve and amend the general rules under they live. On the other hand, people recognize that in order to influence these rules or ensure that they are upheld, they must work with others. This is why politics is often portrayed as a process of conflict resolution. There are some other more specific definitions which can be broken into four categories:
- politics as the art of government;
- politics as public affairs;
- politics as compromise;
- politics as power.
What is it called where people only listen to things that they agree with
A study (Disagreement and the Avoidance of Political Discussion: Aggregate Relationships and Differences across Personality Traits, by Alan S. Gerber, Gregory A. Huber, David Doherty, and Conor M. Dowling) shows that most people tend to limit conversations about politics to those who agree with their views: “Using data from a nationally representative survey of registered voters conducted around the 2008 U.S. presidential election … [we find that] people discussed politics as frequently as (or more frequently than) other topics such as family, work, sports, and entertainment with frequent discussion partners. … The frequency with which a topic is discussed is strongly and positively associated with reported agreement on that topic among these same discussion partners, … because people avoid discussing politics when they anticipate disagreement.”
In her book “Hearing the Other Side: Deliberative versus Participatory Democracy” Diana C. Mutz reached the same conclusions, adding that this trend is especially pronounced among people who are most interested in politics and have the most strongly held political views.
As John Stuart Mill famously put it, a truth-seeker “who knows only his own side of the case knows little of that. His reasons may be good, and no one may have been able to refute them. But if he is equally unable to refute the reasons on the opposite side, if he does not so much as know what they are, he has no ground for preferring either opinion… Nor is it enough that he should hear the opinions of adversaries from his own teachers, presented as they state them, and accompanied by what they offer as refutations. He must be able to hear them from persons who actually believe them… [H]e must know them in their most plausible and persuasive form.”
Jason Brennan, in his book “The Ethics of Voting” argues that voters have an obligation to become informed about the policy issues at stake in an election and should try hard to evaluate the information they learn in an unbiased way. This is because voting decisions affect not only the individual voter, but all of society. He also contends that voters should focus on policy issues, not just on the candidates’ “character.”
In a 2008 Slate article, we can read:
“This has nothing to do with ideology. Politics isn’t about ideology. It’s about joining a team, and we judge fairness as partisans. In 1951, Princeton and Dartmouth students watched a film of a football game and were asked to take note of foul play. Princeton stalwarts saw all the penalties that should have been called on the Dartmouth players. Dartmouth students were convinced the refs missed clips and offsides committed by the Princeton players.
We judge politics the same ways as team members, not truth-seekers. Last week the Washington Post reported on a slew of experiments showing that political misinformation feeds people’s pre-existing beliefs.”
Ilya Somin, professor at George Mason University – Antonin Scalia Law School, has similar views in a paper posted in 2006. Here’s a brief relevant excerpt from the article (pp. 260-61):
[T]he theory of rational ignorance does not predict that voters will choose not to acquire any information at all. Rather it predicts that they will acquire very little or no information for purposes of voting However, some voters will acquire information for other reasons….
A useful analogy is to sports fans. Fans who acquire extensive knowledge of their favorite teams and players do not do so because they can thereby influence the outcome of games. They do it because it increases the enjoyment they get from rooting for their favorite teams. But if many of the citizens who acquire significant amounts of political knowledge do so primarily for reasons other than becoming a better voter, it is possible that they will acquire the knowledge that is of little use for voting, or will fail to use the knowledge they do have in the right way.
Here again, a sports analogy may be helpful. Committed Red Sox fans who passionately root against the Yankees are unlikely to evaluate the evidence about these teams objectively. The authors of one recent history of the Red Sox and Yankees note that they chose not to write “a fair and balanced look at the Red Sox-Yankees ‘rivalry,’” because “neither author of this book wanted to represent the Yankees [sic] point of view. . . . Neither of us could bring ourselves to say enough complimentary things about [the Yankees] to fill the back of a matchbox, let alone half a book” (Nowlin and Prime 2004, 4). . . Similarly, Democratic partisans who hate George W. Bush, and Republicans who reflexively support him against all criticism, might well want to acquire information in order to augment the experience of cheering on their preferred political “team.” If this is indeed their goal, neither group is likely to evaluate Bush’s performance in office objectively or accurately.
This intuition is confirmed by studies showing that people tend to use new information to reinforce their preexisting views on political issues, while discounting evidence that runs counter to them . . . Although some scholars view such bias as potentially irrational behavior . . . , it is perfectly rational if the goal is not to get at the “truth” of a given issue in order to be a better voter, but to enjoy the psychic benefits of being a political “fan.”
Author: Salvador Trinxet
Resources
Notes and References
- Information about Comparative Politics in the Encarta Online Encyclopedia
Further Reading
- Putting Two and Two Together: Middle School Students’ Morphological Problem-Solving Strategies For Unknown Words, Mark B. Pacheco, Amanda P. Goodwin
- Political discussions with family and friends: exploring the impact of political distance, Klaus Levinsen, Carsten Yndigegn
- Do Disagreeable Political Discussion Networks Undermine Attitude Strength?, Joshua Robison, Thomas J. Leeper, James N. Druckman
- Seeking the Soul of Democracy: A Review of Recent Research into Citizens’ Political Talk Culture, Rüdiger Schmitt-Beck, Oana Lup
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